Ukraine's Budanov Hinted at Desert Operations. Evidence in Mali Remains Elusive.

On September 7, Kyrylo Budanov, now chief of staff to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, posted on X that Ukrainian intelligence protects the country's interests worldwide, from Russia to Africa, in the burning desert sands and in the snows of icy Antarctica. The former head of Ukraine's military intelligence did not mention Mali, and the post confirmed no specific operation. Ten days earlier, CNN had published an investigation reporting that around 15 Ukrainian drone specialists were supporting Tuareg rebels in northern Mali with drone training, operational planning, and remote support for missions.

The reported common target is the military government in Bamako and its Russian allies. Ukraine's military intelligence service, known as HUR, did not answer questions about whether personnel had deployed to Mali or whether the political leadership approved such a mission. A spokesperson said the agency might provide information later. DW has not independently verified CNN's findings.

The idea of a Ukrainian role in Mali is not new. In July 2024, DW reported on possible involvement by HUR in an ambush on Russian Wagner fighters near Tinzaouaten in northern Mali. HUR spokesperson Andriy Yusov said at the time that the Tuareg rebels received information they needed for the attack, while Ukraine denied direct involvement. Paramilitaries from Russia's Wagner Group and Malian troops suffered heavy losses in that engagement.

Marta Oliynyk-D'omochko, who coordinates the African Studies Program at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, points to a strategic motive. "Ukraine's main interest is to weaken Russia's influence around the world," she told DW. Irina Filatova, professor emeritus at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, considers Ukrainian support for the Tuareg plausible but says she has no independent evidence to confirm it.

Mali's path toward Russia began after military coups in 2020 and 2021 pushed the country away from Western partners. Moscow replaced the Wagner Group with the Africa Corps in 2025 as it reorganized its military presence there. Ulf Laessing, who led the Konrad Adenauer Foundation's Sahel program in Mali and now heads its Syria and Iraq program, told DW, "I have received information that the Africa Corps still uses Syria and Libya as transit points for flights from Russia, including for refueling and loading, to support its operations on the continent."

The arrangement in northern Mali is narrow. The Azawad Liberation Front, the FLA, seeks self-determination or extensive autonomy for the north rather than control of Bamako. Oliynyk-D'omochko characterizes the connection as tactical. "It is more of a situational alliance against a common enemy than a comprehensive partnership," she said. The FLA is not acting alone: it cooperates with Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen, or JNIM, a jihadist group affiliated with al-Qaeda. Any Ukrainian support for the FLA would not by itself prove direct backing for JNIM, but jihadists could benefit indirectly from joint operations or access to knowledge and equipment.

The political exposure runs wider. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, all ruled by military governments, have severed diplomatic relations with Kyiv and deepened cooperation with Russia. In September, Mali's Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop told the United Nations that Ukraine was "providing clear and open support to terrorist groups and other mafia-like groups to undermine our country's territorial integrity," according to Agence France-Presse. Diop offered no evidence. Filatova and Oliynyk-D'omochko likewise say they have no proof.

Oliynyk-D'omochko also notes that Ukraine advocates equal partnerships with African countries. Any confirmed cooperation with separatists could complicate that message.

Ulf Laessing said the Africa Corps still uses Syria and Libya as transit points for flights from Russia, including for refueling and loading, to support its operations on the continent.